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– In 2014 the new generation of autonomous anti-fascists enthusiastically participated in the demonstrations for Gaza. [8] These protests gave rise to an irruption of the banlieues into Paris, with massive contingents without either party or organisational flags. A large part of the traditional autonomous or gauchiste milieux looked on at this mobilisation warily and rather faint- heartedly. Yet for our generation these demonstrations constituted a foundational moment, a (rarely mentioned) anticipation of the characteristic traits of recent struggles: banned demonstrations, wildcat assemblies, self-defence faced with Zionist far-Right groups’ attacks and media-police repression.

– Lastly, over recent years this generation has asserted the need not to limit the anti-fascist struggle to the fight against the militant far Right, but to fight the institutional dynamics that feed it. That means the idea – widely shared among this new generation of anti-fascists – that the proliferation of imperialist wars, the securitarian crushing of the working-class [ populaire ] neighbourhoods, Islamophobia, and the hunt against migrants are just so many laboratories for the coming fascism, and that we must build an anti-fascism that is up to the challenges of the period we are living through, and which bases itself on the resistance that is developing in these domains. This autonomous approach to anti-fascism has led this generation of militants to get involved in struggles against the pursuit of migrants. To make a link with the movement last year, it is worth noting that the practice of blockades and autonomous lyc é e student demos was renewed in the Paris region precisely in the context of the lyc é e students’ mobilisations against the expulsion of undocumented students [9] . These struggles were decisive to the birth of the cort ège de tê te . Following various waves of terrorist attacks these last few years, this autonomous approach also inspired the Paris antifa movement in mobilising against Islamophobia and the state of emergency as we rejected the logics of ‘national unity’ against terrorism. The rallies against Islamophobia and the first wildcat demos and banquets against the state of emergency, preceding the movement against the Labour Law, can in hindsight be seen as signs that heralded the movement that would then take place in 2016.

This collective trajectory allows us to see last spring’s mobilisation in its proper perspective. From this point of view, the cort ège de tê te is not so much a thunderbolt in a cloudless sky as the fruit of a longer process. For a section of the participants, the schools of the terraces, of antifa demonstrations and the protests for Gaza, of the struggles against the pursuit of migrants, against police violence and against the logics of national unity against terrorism, forged militant trajectories that have, among others, allowed us to find the paths of a conflictual youth mobilisation in the time of the State of Emergency. This involvement in certain episodes of this collective militant journey, preceding the Labour Law and extending far beyond the anti-fascist groups, is precisely the involvement which those today labelled, persecuted, arrested and imprisoned as anti- fascists are today reproached for.

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Re-revisiting red light cameras

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This horse is dead . Please stop beating it.

Four years after Houston voters rejected red-light cameras, the divisive issue unexpectedly resurfaced Tuesday when police officials presented figures indicating that removing the cameras made 51 busy intersections more dangerous.

Auto crashes have more than doubled at those intersections since voters banned use of the cameras in a 2010 referendum, according to figures presented to a City Council committee by the Houston Police Department.

Executive Assistant Chief Tim Oettmeier acknowledged the analysis was imprecise, however, noting that the data did not split neatly into four years of collisions when the cameras were in place and four years when they were not. In addition, Oettmeier said police did not examine the traffic counts at those intersections to see if the increase in collisions might be related to the streets being busier.

Oettmeier did discuss citywide crash figures, which show steady increases over the last four years.

The red light camera statistics were only a slice of Oettmeier’s presentation, which focused on HPD’s proposal to increase the force by 590 officers over the next five years. The discussion follows a staffing study that showed the department is short-staffed in some areas and did not investigate 20,000 cases with workable leads last year.

Some council members questioned the methodology behind the red light crash data and the purpose of including it in the presentation. Among them was Councilman Michael Kubosh, a bail bondsman who, with his brothers, led the 2010 referendum effort that got the cameras banned.

“I don’t know why it’s in this report,” he said. “There’s a charter amendment that says we’re not going to do this. There was a vote of the people; the people said no, and why you even waste your time to put this in the report to us today, I do not know. Maybe it’s that I’m sitting on council – that’s the only reason I can see.”

Oettmeier did not respond to Kubosh’s comments, but said later that he included the camera information to anticipate questions about whether HPD still needs as many police officers with its large recent investments in technology.

Red-light cameras are “a thing of the past,” Oettmeier said, adding he had no “hidden agenda” in mentioning them Tuesday. City Attorney David Feldman confirmed the city would not be able to deploy red light cameras without another public vote.

“The red light camera portion of the presentation was just an attempt to validate that that type of technology does, in fact, cause an effect, and it does help police officers out,” Oettmeier said.

That’s all very nice, and I get that Oettmeier was speaking in the context of HPD staffing levels and personnel needs. But seriously, just stop. We are not going anywhere near red light cameras any time soon, for good reason. Plus, no one who doesn’t already believe in red light cameras buys the crash data. Hell, I spent way too much of my life trying to make sense of the various crash studies done here in Houston, and I have a hard time accepting any of it. Just make your case for more traffic officers and leave it at that, OK? Thanks.

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